FALL 2005

Expansive Education: Teaching Citizenship in Times of War
By Sigal Ben-Porath


In the summer of 2002, Israeli students took their final exams toward their high school diploma. At 17 or 18, just about to gain their voting rights and begin mandatory military service, they were asked to “explain why conscientious objection is subversive.”

With a single question, the exam writers abandoned decades of democratic deliberation on the balance between conscience and compliance, between majority rule and minority dissent. The question suggested its own conclusion—and presented a not-so-veiled demand that the students repudiate their peers who, in preceding months, had sent a public letter to Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon refusing to serve in the occupied territories. At the culminating point in their civic education, these students were asked to explain why opposing the decisions of a democratically elected government, in the context of war, is treacherous.

Having been raised through the seemingly endless Israeli-Palestinian conflict, I began thinking about civic education in wartime in that context. But since September 11, I have observed as the American political and academic spheres have become absorbed in discussions of terrorism and war. The striking similarities between Israel and post-9/11 America have prompted me to explore the role of education in democracies at war. The educational approach I propose—“expansive education”—addresses the tensions between citizenship in wartime and democratically principled visions of peace. Although my examples come from Israel and America, my argument that perceptions of citizenship narrow during wartime in ways that can undermine democracy applies to other democracies in conflict. I argue further that there is a special role for public education in democracies at war—an expansive civic education that endorses the values and attitudes necessary for political participation, tolerant deliberation, and commitment to civic equality, without losing sight of the needs of society at war.

In her observations about education for democracy in the post 9/11 world, Katherine Kersten, a member at the Center of the American Experiment, invokes a premise shared by many: the need to “cultivate democratic citizenship.” She writes, “To prepare [our children] to preserve their heritage of freedom in this dangerous world, we must place education aimed at cultivating democratic citizenship at the heart of the school curriculum.” What follows, however, is more controversial: the list of qualities described as the “mark of true citizens” are “courage, loyalty, responsibility, gratitude to forebears, and a self-sacrificing devotion to the common good…. They must have… a love for—and desire to perpetuate—the republic.”

These qualities are the marks of citizenship perceived in its belligerent form—that is, citizenship as a communal identity and nationalism as a project of loyalty and sacrifice. Although societies at war often experience a surge in political interest, this newfound awareness does not always strengthen democratic commitments; rather, it all too often reinforces a narrowly defined national identification rather than a sense of shared fate. Where democracy at its best aims at widening the circles of participation, extending the scope of public debate, and diversifying questions asked and opinions voiced, belligerent citizenship narrows down the public agenda, the issues open for debate, and the opinions to be tolerated.

Many scholars advocate the teaching of heroic forms of patriotism, particularly in times of conflict. But this conception of civic virtue derives from an understanding of citizenship as a given identity and of national character as only marginally open for deliberation. These notions of patriotism, although not inherently incompatible with democracy, are nonetheless undesirable for a nation that values pluralism, civic equality and inclusion. Indeed, taking identity as the sole basis of national affiliation can all too readily turn nationalism into a divisive, exclusionary endeavor.

The civic conceptions of expansive education
On the other hand, learning to conceive of citizenship as shared fate can cultivate a more inclusive form of national affiliation, and it is this notion of nationality that serves as a theoretical basis for expansive education. In a way that may seem contradictory, the pluralistic and open-ended nature of this form of nationalism can in fact be more unifying than the more rigid conception of nationalism as identity. In this system, individual citizens and groups can interpret and influence the institutions, laws, histories, natural resources, economy, elected representatives, and identities that make up the nation’s shared fate. In short, the networks, both real and conceptual, that hold society together are open to change. This open-ended, shared conceptualization aims to incorporate multiple expressions of the love of country into a unifying civic identity. Together, these make up the expansive education project, which recognizes the social demand for unity in wartime, while striving to maintain democratic inclinations. Public schools committed to expansive education can develop students’ commitment to the notion of shared fate that includes both an understanding of the basic affiliation we have to one another and the limits of that affiliation within a democratic polity.

In times of war, the public agenda narrows down, with concerns about security getting priority over most other policy considerations. As those most essentially responsible for the preservation of democracy, public educators need to adapt the concept of democratic education to respond to the social tendencies of wartime that risk undermining democratic affiliations. They need to implement expansive education by fostering the recognition of the other, the acknowledgement of wrongs, the seeking and granting of forgiveness, and mainly the encouragement of the broadest public debate possible. Through expansive education, students and communities are thus invited to formulate a joint vision of society’s values and its future and to embrace a conception of citizenship that reflects not a given feature of the social fabric or personal character, but rather the ongoing task of reconciling collective commitments with democratic principles.

Expansive education shares with this notion of citizenship as shared fate the open-mindedness that is the benchmark of inclusion and pluralism; yet neither is limitless in what it will accept. Both are bounded by basic democratic principles and endorse pluralism as a manifestation of democracy. They are limited by the moral realities of the society in which they are expressed and practiced. By embracing the importance of exposing students to a variety of perspectives, expansive education takes the necessary step toward engaging citizens in the mutual process of justification that legitimizes a democratic community of shared fate. Expansive education is thus a translation of the conception of citizenship as shared fate into the realm of education.

Expansive education and democratic education theory
The primary aim of public education in a democracy, according to political philosopher Amy Gutmann, is to educate children for free and equal citizenship. Moreover, she argues, the expectation of parents and communities cannot replace the public education system’s commitment to basic democratic principles. Democratic education is not dependent entirely on social consensus. It opposes blind patriotism and defines love of country as a commitment to defend democratic ideals.
In wartime, expansive education must express its commitment to democracy by endorsing a wide understanding of nationhood and by maintaining a broad notion of the public good and the proper forms of public debate. But what if belligerent citizenship is what most parents want for their children? When parents oppose teaching their children a democratic, civic curricula, they “do not have a general right to override otherwise legitimate democratic decisions concerning the schooling of their children,” Guttmann maintains. The school’s commitment to democracy takes precedence over any demand made by specific groups. The democratic argument for committing the public education system to the principles of democracy, not to majority rule or parental authority, should be maintained in better and worse times. In better times, it may entail enforcing diversity or specific curricula on dissenting parents. In times of war, it may entail opposing the undemocratic messages of belligerent citizenship, even those endorsed by the mainstream.

Thus the aims of democratic education must be among the principles that inform expansive education, but their interpretation, and the pedagogic and curricular tools used to implement them, need to be adapted to the needs of a society at war.

Diversity in times of war
A common response to war and one that helps perpetuate belligerent citizenship is the refocusing of the public agenda to questions of security, and the exclusion of dissenting voices. Teachers can resist this attenuation of the public sphere by creating a vivid democratic life within the classroom. The political deliberation of a broad range of issues in the classroom is emancipatory, for it reclaims politics as a sphere of political judgments and value choices, makes room for multiple perspectives, and gives voice to those issues and persons being silenced by the overpowering claims of national defense. Wartime imparts great urgency to the task of cultivating democratic perspectives, for during war politicians and the citizenry may lose sight of the basic principles that sustain a democratic society. Since pluralism and diversity are central to the preservation of just democracy, democratic public schools must strive to maintain them within the classroom and beyond.

Expansive education relies on the substantial use of classroom diversity through curricular and other activities. This strategy is designed to support students’ ability to put themselves in the position of the other and to share the other’s experiences. Some of the most effective tools for encouraging diversity are adapted from feminist and multicultural literature, which focus on expanding students’ knowledge beyond their immediate environment and the academic curriculum to encompass the experience of different people and cultures. By endorsing diversity in both the descriptive (ethnic, cultural, religious) and the ideological/political realms, expansive education acknowledges both differences and similarities among people of various backgrounds or viewpoints. By engaging in a shared and equal dialogue with rival groups—whether in actual meetings or through classroom learning—students may discover another route to acknowledging the other. Moreover, by actively supporting the expression of different standpoints, expansive education effectively manifests students’ civic equality and resists the exclusion of individuals and groups even in a security-dominated, solidarity-oriented public sphere.

Learning the lessons of history is an important aspect of expansive education, as a project of deliberating the meaning of national community and of supporting the evolvement of democratic affiliations. Studying the moral and historical complexities of a given conflict, and learning to consider nuanced views on patriotism, can enable students to regard the complexities of their own national history, even as they continue to endorse it. In the educational arena, the conception of national membership as shared fate can thus explicate the moral dimension of how a society interprets its history. Student-citizens can be taught that the interpretation of the past constitutes part of their commitment to the community and, moreover, serves as the basis for designing a mutually acceptable vision of the future.

While the various aspects of expansive education must always be implemented in the context of a particular time and place, it should nonetheless follow two general principles. First, they should be implemented through exercise. If an educational program is to help shape a positive vision of the future among people who have experienced the violence of war, it cannot rely on cognition alone. For young people in particular, the personal experience of conflict is a critical factor in how they think about such notions as war, peace, nationality, or diversity. Pedagogy and curricula must therefore combine cognitive (or academic) with emotional and social components. Second, the contextual interpretation of expansive education must always be based on an understanding of education as a political endeavor. The choice of topics, perspectives, and methods always carries significant political repercussions and, therefore, should always be considered within the local and broader context of the historical moment in which it is taken. Moreover, politics (including educational decisions) that cannot offer a positive vision of the future runs the risk of offering only stagnant conceptions of what society is and should be. In wartime, this failure to envision a constructive future is particularly grave, as it fails to offer an inclusive, positive cause, as well as standing the risk of perpetuating a war culture. Thus, a key part of expansive education supports the development of diverse, positive visions of the future among its future citizens. The practice of expansive education as a political endeavor must then welcome diversity in classroom interaction, defining dialogue among differences as a pedagogic tool.

Expansive education plays out only in the context of a specific society in which educators and policymakers must overcome specific challenges, acknowledge a specific other, and strengthen democratic commitments in the face of specific threats and social realities. Responding to the lived experiences of students is inherent to any proper civic education. In wartime, when that experience affects perceptions of war and peace, it is vital that civic education be localized, concrete, and politicized. Through these educational processes—and their reverberation in the public sphere—conflicting groups can learn to envision a future of peace.

Sigal Ben-Porath is a research associate in the Foundations and Practices of Education division at Penn GSE. Her forthcoming book, Citizenship Under Fire: Democratic Education in Times of War, is being published by Princeton University Press.

Research Notes

Penn GSE faculty and researchers explore the issues at the forefront of American education today—urban education, equity and diversity, educational opportunity and educational excellence, and the management of complex organizations. They engage in high-impact research, innovation, and training in public education, as well as in literacy, psychology, social policy, and higher and adult education. The following pages present a sampling of recent studies and findings from Penn GSE faculty and researchers.

Civics Lessons
            In an era of test scores and standards, how well do America’s schools perform in preparing citizens? The answer, according to Michael Johanek and John Puckett, depends on what is desired of citizens and what is expected from schools. Writing in The State of Civic Education: Preparing Citizens in an Era of Accountability, they examine that relationship, correlating Americans’ expectations of citizenship and schools to conceptions of civic performance. Focusing first on the intentional activities—curricular and extracurricular—that schools provide to prepare young people for citizenship, they go on to consider different meanings of citizenship and build on previous scholarship to designate a continuum of citizenship performance that ranges from “thin” to “strong” democracy. Then they assess the status of citizen development outcomes in three domains of citizenship performance: knowledge, behaviors, and dispositions, and they locate young Americans on the citizenship continuum in terms of these outcomes. School-based civic education, the authors find, is largely restricted to developing personally responsible citizens, not active participants working to solve public issues. While civic education seems to be progressing beyond its traditional spectatorial mode, largely by dint of service-learning and student volunteerism, it is still a far cry from what might be called change-agent civics. Johanek and Puckett conclude that preparation for an advanced democratic conception such as “public work citizenship” requires an institutional commitment and institutional modeling of citizenship.
            This piece appears in Institutions of American Democracy: The Public Schools, edited by Susan Fuhrman and Marvin Lazerson (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005).

Monitoring Implementation on the Fly
            School reform is all well and good, but once a district launches a reform, how does it know that it’s being implemented as intended? Writing in Dashboard Lights: Monitoring Implementation of District Reform Strategies, Jonathan Supovitz and John Weathers consider the system implemented by the Duval County (Florida) Public Schools to monitor the district’s instructional reform efforts and the influences of the system on teachers, schools, and district leaders. Their Standards Implementation Snapshot System reveals the depth to which schools are implementing, at a particular point in time, key elements of the district’s reform vision. The report outlines how the snapshot system works and describes its effect on district efforts, as reported by principals and district administrators. This report is available at http://www.cpre.org/Publications/pdf/snapshotstudy.pdf.

Is Small Better?
            Do small, collaborative learning communities in schools improve teaching and learning? In Small Learning Communities That Actually Learn: Lessons for School Leaders, Jonathan Supovitz and Jolley Bruce Christman report that the faith that such communities can work within existing schools and districts may be misplaced. In evaluations conducted by the Consortium for Policy Reform in Education in two cities (Philadelphia and Cincinnati), researchers found that, despite the fact that small learning communities improved the school environment, they did not, all on their own, translate into greater instructional focus. In both cities, those communities that showed significant gains in student learning engaged in structured and sustained efforts to improve instructional practice. The authors recommend key strategies for school leaders who want to build effective small communities focused on instruction. This article appears in the May 2005 issue of Phi Delta Kappan. To request a copy, e-mail insites@gse.upenn.edu.

We’ve Got High Hopes
            Researchers at the Consortium for Policy Research in Education have taken a look at how teachers and administrators at the high school level are responding to accountability systems. Holding High Hopes: How High Schools Respond to State Accountability Practices, by Margaret Goertz and Diane Massell, examines how 48 low-performing high schools located in 34 school districts across six states respond to state accountability policies and found that accountability systems can indeed focus educators on reform although they are not, in and of themselves, a guarantee of success: strong district leadership played a crucial role in the response of high school staff. That said, comprehensive reform was rare, with most schools implementing marginal or incremental changes. In most of the high schools studied, decision-making tended to be haphazard, generally ending up in the hands of individual teachers and rarely resulting in a schoolwide or departmental effort. The study also found few avenues through which outside agents (universities, regional education centers, or other outside providers) could provide support. Since the district’s influence is so important, building district capacity is critical to school improvement. “States must strengthen the capacity of school districts,” the authors write, “just as they expect districts to build the capacity of their low-performing schools, or the new accountability systems will not bring the improvements their architects envisioned.”
            The policy brief is available at http://www.cpre.org/Publications/rb42.pdf. The CPRE research report on which it is based, edited by Betheny Gross and Margaret Goertz, is available at http://www.cpre.org/Publications/rr56.pdf.

No Child Left Behind?
            Enacted in 1968, the Bilingual Education Act has formed the basis of American language education policy for more than 30 years. With an emphasis on bilingual education, the Act provided options for students to develop both English and their native language, but when it expired in 2002, English language development was enshrined as the sine qua non of academic achievement. Part of the landmark No Child Left Behind legislation, the English Language Acquisition, Language Enhancement, and Academic Achievement Act calls for schools to develop students’ English language proficiency and to move them into English-only classrooms as quickly as possible.
            Writing in No Child Left Behind: Repealing and Unpeeling Federal Language Education Policy in the United States, Bruce Evans and Nancy Hornberger consider NCLB’s impact on language-minority students from a national, institutional, and interpersonal perspective. At the national level, they describe a shift from the notion of “language as resource,” as expressed in the Bilingual Education Act, to the more proscriptive perception of “language as problem,” characteristic of NCLB. At the institutional level, they perceive a disconnect between NCLB and “findings from research and educational experience that serve as the ... foundations for university teacher preparation programs, state education plans and programs, and local school district and school instructional programs and practices.” Moreover, the authors argue that NCLB’s definition of “scientific research” raises serious concerns, among them its devaluation of qualitative research and the legal and ethical concerns raised by randomized trials. And, finally, at the interpersonal, or classroom, level, they observe mixed feelings among teachers who, on the one hand, welcome the support and funding promised by NCLB but, on the other, take issue with its underlying pedagogical philosophy.
            In their concluding remarks, Evans and Hornberger maintain that NCLB, as written and funded, is likely to have an overall negative impact on the field. However, given the tensions between the legislation and the real world, they seem skeptical about its chances for success: “The No Child Left Behind Act,” they write, “is likely to founder on the differences between what the act prescribes and assumes and practitioners’ and researchers’ on-the-ground ... attitudes, beliefs, and understandings about what constitutes effective education for language minority students.”
This article appears in Language Policy 4 (March 2005).

Remember the New Math?
            In the late 1950s, education experts hailed the New Math as the latest innovation in mathematics teaching. But a failure to grasp the central role teachers play in classroom practices undermined the reforms, gradually leading to their demise.
            Writing in Examining Key Concepts in Research on Teachers’ Use of Mathematics Curricula, Janine Remillard asks whether the experts have learned from the mistakes of the past. Although the last 25 years have seen numerous studies on the role that curriculum materials play in the mathematics classroom, they have yet to shed much light on how teachers use them.
            On reviewing the research, Remillard found that the theoretical underpinning of much of the current literature is murky and set out to clarify what is understood about the complex interaction between the teacher and the materials. She identifies four different perspectives through which researchers have viewed curriculum material use: text as starting point, text as one of many resources, teacher as interpreter of text, and text and teacher as collaborators. With her analysis revealing the need for researchers to take up critical theoretical issues, Remillard goes on to propose conceptualizations of teaching and curriculum materials that might serve in the development of a framework for future research.
            This article appears in Review of Educational Research, 75(2). To contact this journal, go to http://www.aera.net/publications/?id=319.

Show Me the Money
            Monetary incentives have attracted a lot of attention, but most studies of their use in schools focus on the impact these incentives have on students’ intrinsic motivation. In Monetary Incentives in Support of Academic Achievement: Results of a Randomized Field Trial Involving High-Achieving, Low-Resource, Ethnically Diverse Urban Adolescents, Margaret Beale Spencer, Elizabeth Noll, and Elaine Cassidy take a look at incentives through a developmental framework that focuses on identity formation.
            Evaluating an existing program in which a private foundation provides a monthly stipend to students who maintain good academic standing, the authors examine how monetary incentives may promote resiliency. For the evaluation, participating students were given psychosocial tests and split into two groups: one that received the monthly stipend immediately, and one that received the stipend after a year’s delay.
            After one year, students who had been receiving the stipend had a program retention rate 10 percent higher than those in the delayed group. But the data also suggest that the effectiveness of incentives might depend on several factors, including student self-perception. A student who views strong academic performance as part of his or her identity is likely to see monetary incentives as validation of that identity, making such a reward system a potentially useful means of support in both the academic and socioemotional development of at-risk youth.
            This article appears in Evaluation Review 29:3.

A Philadelphia Story: Recruiting New Teachers
            The second report in a series on teacher quality, The Quest for Quality: Recruiting and Retaining Teachers in Philadelphia focuses on the plight of new teachers. The authors, led by Ruth Curran Neild, assessed the School District of Philadelphia’s progress in hiring and retaining teachers and in addressing teacher quality.
            New initiatives have produced some encouraging results, with recruitment numbers growing, turnover among new teachers falling, the percentage of certified teachers rising, and hiring and school assignment practices reformed. And more is on the way: leadership-development programs for principals, districtwide site selection of new teachers, an accelerated hiring timeline, and an automated employment process.
            Despite the progress, Neild and her colleagues doubt the district’s ability to reach the NCLB-mandated requirement that all its teachers be “highly qualified” by June 2006. Turnover is still high, and the lowest-performing schools still have the highest proportion of minimally qualified teachers.
            This report, co-written by Elizabeth Useem and Elizabeth Farley, is available at http://www.researchforaction.org/.

Faculty and Fundraising at HBCUs
            To parse the role that professors at Black colleges play in the acquisition of institutional funds, Marybeth Gasman conducted interviews with 40 individuals, including advancement professionals, alumni relations directors, faculty, and alumni. Writing in The Role of Faculty in Fund Raising at Black Colleges: What Is It and What Can It Become?, she paints a picture that portrays faculty members playing a number of roles: identifying potential fund-raising sources; headlining donor events; and keeping connected to their institution’s advancement department through the academic dean. But what could the role of faculty be?
            Noting a generalized reluctance among faculty to participate in fundraising activities, she argues that faculty need to understand more fully the role of philanthropy in society at large, even urging the establishment of academic programs on Black giving and perhaps a master’s program in minority philanthropy. In addition, she sees a role for faculty members in connecting fundraisers and alumni by encouraging giving without stepping across the line into soliciting individual gifts. Whatever the specifics, Gasman argues that faculty have a responsibility to engage with their institution’s fundraising program precisely to guard against the “unholy alliances” between the academy and commerce that so concern them. This article appears in The International Journal of Educational Advancement 5(2).

Social Interaction & Learning
            With the current emphasis on standardized curricula and testing, it is easy to overlook the important role that social interaction plays in learning. But in two recent articles, Stanton Wortham examines how processes of social identification in the classroom are interwoven with learning processes.
            In each study, Wortham traces the identity development of a single student in a ninth-grade history and English class. From Good Student to Outcast: The Emergence of a Classroom Identity shows how Tyisha is first positioned by teachers and students as a valuable contributor because her tendency to present her own opinions rather than simply repeat information fits the seminar discussion model of the class. Once the majority of the class has adapted to this model, however, Tyisha is increasingly treated as a disruptive outsider who presents unsupported opinions instead of logical arguments.
            Similarly, The Interdependence of Social Identification and Learning relates the example of Maurice, a student in the same class who finds himself caught between social expectations. His participation in class discussion runs contrary to a common perception of boys as less likely to actively engage in schoolwork, and Maurice comes to be viewed by teachers and female students as a kind of transgressor or misfit. Classroom transcripts show how his conflicting identities of “good student” and “one of the boys” are repeatedly brought to his attention.
            The mechanisms of social identity are particularly noticeable in what Wortham calls participant examples—moments when individual class members are used as instructive stand-ins. When the class studies Cicero, for instance, his position as a person with divided loyalties is illustrated by comparing him with a local analogue: Maurice. Over the course of the year, Tyisha and Maurice are involved in a disproportionate percentage of participant examples, which serves to reinforce their social categorization as outcasts or outsiders. At the same time, the use of familiar examples helps students identify with and learn the curricular material.
            The experiences of these two students help to show the multiple, heterogeneous resources involved in social identification, as well as the complex ways that interactional positioning affects and is affected by learning.
            From Good Student to Outcast appears in Ethos 32, and The Interdependence of Social Identification and Learning appears in the American Education Research Journal 41.



On the Bookshelf


Robert Boruch (Ed.).
Place Randomized Trials: Experimental Tests of Public Policy: The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science Series
Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications, 2005.
A special issue of The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Sciences, this volume addresses topics related to randomized testing, including the nuts and bolts of conducting trials, the challenges of initiation and implementation, the significance of place in trials, incentives and justifications for participants, and resources that identify completed or current studies.
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Susan H. Fuhrman and Marvin Lazerson (Eds.).
The Public Schools. The Institutions of American Democracy Series.
New York: Oxford University Press, 2005.
One of the fundamental institutions of democracy, public schools have traditionally educated children into citizenship and, by teaching people of all backgrounds, have been instrumental in forging American society. Contributors to this volume address some of today’s most hotly debated educational issues and suggest ways to ensure that the public schools stay at the heart of American democracy. Commissioned in association with the Annenberg Foundation Trust at Sunnylands and the Annenberg Public Policy Center at the University of Pennsylvania.
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Marybeth Gasman and Katherine V. Sedgwick (Eds.).
Uplifting a People: Essays on African American Philanthropy and Education.
New York: Peter Lang, 2005.
Taking as its subject the often neglected topic of charitable giving among African Americans, this volume documents the history of Black philanthropy: from its beginning as a response to discrimination, to self-help among freed slaves, to its expansion to include the support of education, religion, the arts, and civil rights, to the practices of contemporary African-American donors.
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Nancy H. Hornberger (Ed.).
Heritage/Community Language Education: US and Australian Perspectives. Special Issue of The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism, 8 (2&3).
Cleveden, UK: Multilingual Matters, 2005.
This special issue of The International Journal of Bilingual Education and Bilingualism considers issues relating to the development, implementation, and evaluation of heritage/community language education in the U.S. and Australia.
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Robert Zemsky, Gregory R. Wegner, and William P. Massy.
Remaking the American University: Market-Smart and Mission-Centered.
Piscataway, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2005.
Once upon a time, universities educated new generations and inspired social change. This book looks at how that mission has been distorted by market forces—including a preoccupation with rankings, an increasingly distanced faculty, intercollegiate athletics, investments in e-learning, etc. The authors caution that, although academic institutions cannot ignore the workings of the markets, they must learn how to better use those markets to achieve their purposes.
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